Modernity And The Madrasa
Maharashtra government’s decision is an opportunity
to start a new discussion
Madrasas affiliated to Deobandis and Ahl-e-Hadis refused
to take part in the madrasa modernisation initiative. It was due to this stiff
opposition that the previous government dropped the idea of having an all-India
madrasa board through which reforms could be implemented.
Madrasas affiliated to Deobandis and Ahl-e-Hadis refused to take
part in the madrasa modernisation initiative. It was due to this stiff
opposition that the previous government dropped the idea of having an all-India
madrasa board through which reforms could be implemented. The debate on Indian
madrasas is highly polarised. On the one hand, the Hindu right consistently
tries to portray them as dens of terrorism; on the other, sections of Muslims
passionately defend them as if there is nothing wrong with them. The recent
Maharashtra government decision to count certain madrasa students as “out of
school” children provides an opportunity to start a meaningful and dispassionate
discussion on madrasa reform and the future of the thousands of children who
study in these institutions. But first, we must understand that madrasas
themselves are not homogeneous. There are madrasas controlled by madrasa boards
in different states.
There, the syllabus is at par with state government schools. The
other category of madrasas are those that are termed as “azad (free)” madrasas.
They shun state patronage and their curriculum is mostly religious. More like
theological seminaries, they are also divided along sectarian lines. Deobandis,
Barelwis and Ahl-e-Hadis, all have their own network of madrasas. Though at
loggerheads with each other, they are nevertheless united in their opposition
to reform. It is difficult to justify the learning that takes place in these
seminaries as proper education. The curriculum does not and cannot equip
students to negotiate the structures of modernity. This ossified mode of
learning had some merit hundreds of years ago, but to defend it now in the name
of minority rights is a gross injustice to the thousands of students who study
in them.
Since 1993, there has been a madrasa modernisation policy,
primarily designed for azad madrasas. The idea was to convince them to teach
modern subjects in lieu of state grants for books and additional teachers. But
the policy treated madrasas as homogeneous, so grants were also cornered by
state-funded madrasas. Also, a majority of the grants to azad madrasas have
been utilised to hire part-time untrained teachers, which defeats the purpose
of introducing quality education in these institutions. To top it all, madrasas
affiliated to Deobandis and Ahl-e-Hadis completely refused to take part in this
initiative.
It was due to this stiff opposition of the ulema that the previous
government dropped the idea of having an all-India madrasa board through which
reforms could be implemented. In a move that can only be called a travesty of
justice, the previous government also exempted madrasas from the provisions of
the right to education act. So while everyone else has a fundamental right to
education in this country, Muslim children studying in madrasas have become
casualties of a perverted form of secularism. Ever since the publication of the
Sachar report, it has become commonplace to argue that madrasas are not a
problem because only 4 per cent of Muslim children study there. But the Sachar
Committee data on madrasas is a gross underestimation.
The committee only counted students enrolled in state-funded
madrasas. NCERT data tells us that students studying in azad madrasas far
outnumber those in state-funded madrasas. A 2013 report of the National
Commission for Minority Educational Institutions found that total enrolment in
madrasas was nearly 10 per cent, more than double the Sachar estimate. The same
report also tells us that there are 68 districts where madrasa enrolment was as
high as 25 per cent. Going by the available data, Muslim dropout rates are
considerably higher than those of other communities.
There seems to be a correlation between madrasa enrolment and high
dropout rates, as the training in madrasas does not equip students to make
sense of school pedagogy. RTE provisions clearly state that every child has a
right to age-specific education. This means that, with some variation, every
eight- or 10-year-old child should be, more or less, at the same level of
learning. Azad madrasas do not equip students with such knowledge. Therefore,
there is nothing wrong in counting them as “out of school” children. Given the
political context, there will be apprehensions about the intention of the
Maharashtra government. But political context should not become an excuse to
prevent a discussion on the educational future of poor Muslim children.
The writer is assistant
professor at the Centre for the Study of Social Systems, JNU, Delhi -
Courtesy -indianexpress.com
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